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Orleans, France (1530)

 L’esprit Des Cordeliers D’Orleans, 1534.

Memoire inedit de Calvin.

(D’apres la minute originale de la main de Charles de Jonvillers, son secretaire).

La tres instructive et amusante notice que nous avons publiee ‘sur l’histoire du protestantisme dans le diocese de Gap’ (i. II, p. 370) a fait connaitre ‘l’esprit des Capucins’ du couvent de cette ville. Peut-etre a la vue du titre que nous venons d’ecrire, nos lecteurs s’imaginent-ils que nous allons leur montrer, en guise de pendant, ‘l’esprit des Cordeliers d’Orleans.’ Cela ne serait pas impossible; mais il s’agit ici d’un autre genre d’esprit; il s’agit, pour tout de bon, d’un… Revenant.

The very instructive and amusing notice that we published ‘on the history of Protestantism in the diocese of Gap’ (i. II, p. 370) made known the ‘spirit of the Capuchins’ of the convent of this town. Perhaps seeing the title we have just written, our readers imagine that we are going to show them, as a counterpart, ‘the spirit of the Cordeliers of Orléans.’ This would not be impossible; but this is a different kind of spirit; it is, in all seriousness, a… Revenant.

Une femme auteur a dit que les couvents etaient d’ennuyeux mausolees ou des collections d’etres humains s’enterraient tout vivants pour y “fair niaisement leur salut.” Plut au ciel qu’on n’y eut jamais fait que cela et que le mot eut partout et toujours ete applicable. Mais sans parler d’emplois moins innocents auxquels servirent les monasteres, comme ce ‘Bulletin’ nous en a fourni deja des exemples (V. t.II, p.77, 358 a 362 et 506), on a vu que les bons peres capucins de Gap ne s’ennuyaient pas toujours, qu’ils savaient ‘desipere in loco’, qu’ils avaient leur moment de gaiete, de grosse gaiete meme, dans lesquels se deployait une adorable et caracteristique niaiserie. Et l’on va voir avec les cordeliers d’Orleans une des bonnes farces, des spirituelles plaisanteries, par lesquelles on savait rompre le jeune et les austerites de la vie monotone du cloitre. Il est juste de dire que les capucins sont de vrais enfants aupres des cordeliers, et que si les licences des premiers etaient des peches mimgnons, celles des seconds passent la permission et sentent un peu la hart. Mais c’etait le bon temps des indulgences et des immunites, et l’on avait sans doute conclu quelque accommodement avec qui de droit… D’ailleurs il s’agissait de jouer piece aux lutheriens qui pullulaient, de faire crier haro sur les heretiques, et la fin autorisait en pareil cas tous les moyens.

One female author said that convents were boring mausoleums where collections of human beings buried themselves alive to “foolishly work out their salvation.” Would to heaven that only that had never been done and that the word had been applicable everywhere and always. But without talking about less innocent uses to which the monasteries were used, as this ‘Bulletin’ has already provided us with examples (V. t.II, p.77, 358 to 362 and 506), we have seen that the good fathers Capuchins of Gap were not always bored, that they knew ‘desipere in loco’, that they had their moments of gaiety, of great gaiety even, in which an adorable and characteristic silliness unfolded. And we will see with the Cordeliers of Orleans one of the good jokes, the witty jokes, by which we knew how to break the fast and the austerities of the monotonous life of the cloister. It is fair to say that the capuchins are real children next to the cordeliers, and that if the licenses of the former were cutesy sins, those of the latter pass the permission and smell a little like hare. But it was the good time of indulgences and immunities, and we had undoubtedly concluded some accommodation with those concerned… Besides, it was a question of playing a game against the Lutherans who were swarming, of making people cry haro on heretics, and the end authorized all means in such a case.

Ce curieux morceau nous est communique par notre ami M. J. Bonnet. Le meme recit se retrouve en substance dans le t. I (p. 47 a 49) de “l’Histoire ecclesiastique des Eglises reformees,” moins cette vivacite de tour, ce sel et ce piquant, qu’y repand ici l’illustre narrateur. “Auparavant que ces choses advinssent a Paris, y lit-on (c’est-a-dire avant l’affaire des placards, qui est du commencement de novembre ou de la fin d’octobre 1534), les Cordeliers d’Orleans jouerent une tragedie quasi pareille a celle des Jacobins de Berne, dont les histoires font mention: et passa la chose ainsi que s’ensuit…” Mais laissons la parole a maitre Jean Calvin. Ajoutons seulement que le lecteur pourra comparer, si cela lui plait, les deux versions, et meme une troisieme, s’il le desire. Car, en tete de notre piece, Charles de Jonvillers, secretaire du Reformateur, a ecrit ces deux lignes:

This curious piece is communicated to us by our friend M. J. Bonnet. The same story is found in substance in t. I (p. 47 to 49) of the “Ecclesiastical History of the Reformed Churches,” less this liveliness, this salt and this spice, which the illustrious narrator spreads here. “Before these things happened in Paris, we read there (that is to say before the affair of the cupboards, which dates back to the beginning of November or the end of October 1534), the Cordeliers of Orléans played a tragedy almost similar to that of the Jacobins of Berne, of whom the stories mention: and the thing passed as follows…” But let’s give the floor to Master John Calvin. Let us only add that the reader will be able to compare, if he likes, the two versions, and even a third, if he wishes. Because, at the head of our piece, Charles de Jonvillers, secretary of the Reformer, wrote these two lines:

L’Histoire de l’Esprit des Cordeliers d’Orleans, faicte par Monsieur Calvin, et que j’ay escripte soubz luy pour servir de memoire a Sleidan en son Histoire ecclesiastique.

Et en effet, on voit au livre IX de l’Histoire de l’estat de la Religion et Republique sous l’Empereur Charles V, par Jean Sleidan (p. 247 de l’edition de Strasbourg, 1558) que cet historien a mis la communication a profit, en consignant dans son ouvrage ce qu’il appelle la ‘farce des Cordeliers d’Orleans’.

Cela dit, voici le memoire dicte par Calvin a son secretaire {On sait que Calvin avait etudie a l’Universite d’Orleans (V. Bull., t. II, p. 427); il savait par consequent mieux que personne l’histoire authentique qu’il raconte}:

{Manuscrits de la Bibliotheque de Geneve, vol. 145.}

The History of the Spirit of the Cordeliers of Orleans, written by Mr. Calvin, and which I wrote under his authority to serve as a memory for Sleidan in his Ecclesiastical History.

And in fact, we see in book IX of the History of the State of Religion and Republic under the Emperor Charles V, by Jean Sleidan (p. 247 of the Strasbourg edition, 1558) that this historian put the communication benefited, by recording in his work what he calls the ‘farce of the Cordeliers of Orleans’.

That said, here is the memorandum dictated by Calvin to his secretary {We know that Calvin had studied at the University of Orleans (V. Bull., t. II, p. 427); he therefore knew better than anyone the authentic story he tells:

{Manuscripts of the Library of Geneva, vol. 145.}

L’an mil cinq cens trente et… la prevoste d’Orleans trespassa, ordonnant par son testament qu’on ne fist ne chanter ne sonner a sa sepulture, mais qu’on l’enterrast sans pompe ne luminaire, ce que fut observe par le mary. Et pource que son pere et son grand-pere estoient enterres aux cordeliers, elle fut mise en leur sepulchre. Le mary pour contenter les cordeliers de ce qu’on ne leur faisoit faire nul service, leur donna seulement six escus.

Tantost apres, pource qu’il vendoit la coppe d’ung boys, deux cordeliers le vinrent requerir de par le couvent, qu’il leur permist d’envoier leur char une fois le jour durant la dicte vente, pour amener une partie de leur provision. A quoy il respondit qu’il estoit bien content qu’ils y envoyassent trente chars en payant, pource qu’il ne demandoit que bonne depeche et argent.

Les gallans pour se venger vont faire une fourbe que l’esprit de la prevoste estoit revenu, pour leur signifier qu’elle estoit damnee. Les principaux conducteurs estoient deux docteurs de Paris. L’ung nomme Colliman, provincial, l’aultre frere Estienne d’Arras.

La facon fut telle. Ils mirent ung jeune novice sur la voulte de leur Eglise, lequel menoit la ung grand bruit quant on vouloit commencer mattines. Quant on le conjuroit de parler, il ne sonnoit mot. Quant on le conjuroit de faire signe s’il estoit muet, il faisoit ung grand bruit pour dire que ouy.

In the year one thousand five hundred and thirty… the provost of Orleans passed away, ordering by his will that no one should sing or ring at his tomb, but that he should be buried without pomp or lighting, which was observed by the husband. And because her father and grandfather were buried in Cordeliers, she was placed in their tomb. The husband, to satisfy the cordeliers that they were not being made to do any service, gave them only six crowns.

Some time later, because he was selling a boy’s coppe, two cordeliers came to request from him from the convent, that he allow them to send their cart once a day during the said sale, to bring part of their provision. To which he replied that he was very happy that they sent thirty chariots there for payment, because he only asked for good dispatch and money.

The gallans, in order to take revenge, will make a trick that the spirit of the provost had returned, to tell them that she was damned. The main conductors were two doctors from Paris. One names Colliman, provincial, the other brother Estienne d’Arras.

The way was like this. They placed a young novice on the vault of their Church, who led a loud noise when they wanted to start matins. When they implored him to speak, he said nothing. When we implored him to make a sign if he was silent, he made a loud noise to say yes.

Aians dispose leur cas, ils vont prier quelques personnages des plus apparens de la ville qui estoient de leurs devotz, se vouloir trouver a leurs mattines pour quelque malencontre que leur estoit survenu, sans leur specifier ce que c’estoit. Si tost qu’on commenca: “Domine labia,” le novice joue la farce, comme il estoit appris. Colliman aussi et les cordeliers jouent leur personnage. Colliman estoit l’exorciste avec l’equippage accoustume quand ils veullent parler au diable.

Apres que l’esprit eut faict signe qu’il n’avoit pas conge de parler, on le conjure, selon qu’il sera interrogue, de respondre par signe sur chacung article. Et alors le novice mettoit l’aureille en ung pertuys, et avoit une planche devant sa poitrine sur laquelle il frappoit, tellment que le son estoit entendu d’en bas. On luy demande s’il est l’esprit de quelqu’ung de ceux qui sont enterrez-la dedans. Il repond que ouy. apres long circuit, l’exorciste vient a la prevoste. Le novice faict le signe qui luy est donne. Apres avoir racompte tous les peches que l’Escripture condamne, en la fin on vient a s’enquerir, si la prevoste estoit damnee pour avoir este lutherienne. Le novice respond que ouy. On luy demande pourquoy il faict telle tempeste, et si c’est affin que le corps soit deterre. Il respond que ouy, tousjours frappant sur la planche aultant de coups qu’on luy commandoit.

 Aians disposed of their case, they went to pray to some of the most esteemed people in the city who were among their devotees, to be present at their mornings for some misfortune that had happened to them, without specifying to them what it was. As soon as we began: “Domine labia,” the novice played the joke, as he had been taught. Colliman too and the stringers play their characters. Colliman was the exorcist with the usual crew when they wanted to speak to the devil.

After the spirit had made a sign that he had no leave to speak, he was conjured, as he was questioned, to respond by sign on each article. And then the novice put his ear in one ear, and had a board in front of his chest on which he knocked, so that the sound was heard from below. She is asked if it is the spirit of any of those who are buried there. He says yes. after a long circuit, the exorcist comes to the provost. The novice makes the sign given to him. After recounting all the sins that Scripture condemns, in the end we come to inquire whether the provost was damned for having been Lutheran. The novice answers yes. They ask him why he is making such a storm, and if it is so that the body is dug up. He replied that yes, always hitting the board with as many blows as he was ordered.

 

Sur cela le provincial et le gardien prient les tesmoings de signer ce qu’ils ont veu. Car desja ils en avoyent cousche ung acte par escrit. Quelqu’ung s’advise qu’il ne se falloit point tant haster, de peur qu’ils ne s’en trouvassent empeschez, si le prevost en intentoit proces. Ils refusent doncques de signer. Neammoins les cordeliers retirent leur ciboire du temple avecques le reste de leurs instrumens, et vont faire leur service divin qu’ils appellent en leur chapistre.

L’official de l’evesque estant adverty de cela, y vient avecque bonne compagnie pour informer de la verite, et commande que les conjurations se facent en sa presence. Or le promoteur qui n’estoit point de mauvais vouloir requist que gens feussent deputes pour aller sur la voulte, scavoir s’il y auroit point d’esprit visible; a quoy frere Estienne d’Arras s’opposa, disant qu’on troubleroit l’esprit. Cependant les escoliers aussi y viennent en grand’ trouppe, se doubtant bien que c’estoit ung complot faict par malice, et voulant descouvrir ce qu’il en estoit. Tant y a que jamais depuis ne voulurent faire leurs conjurations, pour quelque commandement que leur fist l’official.

On this the provincial and the guardian ask the witnesses to sign what they have seen. For they had already drawn up an act of it in writing. Someone realized that there was no need to be so hasty, lest they find themselves prevented from doing so if the provost took legal action. They therefore refuse to sign. Nevertheless, the cord makers remove their ciborium from the temple with the rest of their instruments, and go to perform their divine service which they call for in their chapter.

The bishop’s official, being informed of this, came with good company to inform of the truth, and ordered that the conspiracies be brought before his presence. Now the promoter, who had no ill will, required that people be deputies to go to the vault, to find out if there would be any visible spirit; to which Brother Estienne of Arras objected, saying that the spirit would be disturbed. However, the schoolchildren also came in large groups, suspecting that it was a plot made out of malice, and wanting to discover what it was. So much so that never since have they wanted to carry out their conspiracies, for whatever command the official gave them.

Le prevost cependant apres avoir assemble toute la justice, et avoir requis d’y tenir la main, s’en alla en court. Et pource que les cordeliers alleguoient immunite et exemption, le roy deputa certains conseillers de son parlement de Paris avec plain pouvoir et authorite souveraine. Et le legat Du Prat, d’authorite papalle, donna vicariat aux commissaires ecclesiastiques, tellement qu’il fallut que les cordeliers, bon gre maugre, respondissent devant ces juges-la. Toutesfois encores que la fraude fust evidente, jamais on ne peult arracher confession d’eulx, jusques a ce qu’on promist au novice de l’affranchir de leur subjection. Car combien que il fust mis en maison sequestre chez monsieur Fumer, maistre des requestes, si est-ce qu’il tenoit bon, craingnant que les cordeliers ne le tuassent pour avoir deshonore l’ordre.

The provost, however, after having assembled all the justice system, and having demanded that they hold their hand, went off to court. And because the Cordeliers claimed immunity and exemption, the king deputed certain advisors to his parliament in Paris with full power and sovereign authority. And the legate Du Prat, of papal authority, gave vicariate to the ecclesiastical commissioners, so much so that the Cordeliers, with good will, had to answer before these judges. However, even though the fraud was evident, one could never extract confession from them, until one promised the novice to free him from their subjection. Because although he was placed in a sequestered house with Mr. Fumer, master of requests, he held on, fearing that the Cordeliers would kill him for having dishonored the order.

Estant asseure qu’il ne luy en adviendroit nul mal, il delaira tout le badinage, et estant confronte avec les beaux-peres, il leur maintint la subornation faicte par eux. Et combien qu’ils feussent convaincuz, si ne laisserent-ils point de recuser les juges et protester de leurs droicts et privileges. Nonobstant cela, l’arrest fut donne par tous les conseillers tant laicz qu’ecclesiastiques qu’ils seroient menes en la prison au chastelet d’Orleans. Que la leurs chaperons leurs seroient ostes, qu’avec chacung une torche au poing iroient faire amende honorable en la grande Eglise sur ung eschaffault la dresse. Depuis estre menes en leur couvent pour y faire le semblable, et en la fin en la place nommee de Martroys ou on execute les malfaicteurs, et que partout ils confessassent que de certaine fraude et malice deliberee, ils avoient conspire une telle meschancete.

Being assured that no harm would come to him, he abandoned all the banter, and being confronted with the fathers-in-law, he maintained the subornation made by them. And however convinced they were, they did not fail to challenge the judges and protest their rights and privileges. Notwithstanding this, the decree was given by all the councilors, both secular and ecclesiastical, that they would be taken to prison at the chastelet of Orleans. That their chaperones would be taken away from them, that each with a torch in their hand would go to make honorable amends in the great Church on a eschaffault standing there. Since being taken to their convent to do the same, and at the end to the place called Martroys where the criminals were executed, and everywhere they confessed that through certain fraud and deliberate malice, they had conspired such wickedness.

Or sur ce temps-la, il y survint ung mal qui empescha que justice n’en fust faicte a la rigueur, c’est qu’a l’occasion des placars la furie s’enflamba si grande contre les fideles, que ceste cause fut rendue odieuse, ou bien qu’on craignist de donner nulle faveur a ceux qu’ils appeloient lutheriens, mesme l’execution de l’arrest, combien que ce ne fust gueres rigoreux, en fust empeschee. Car quant les gallans furent amenes, ils retornerent a leurs protestations. Et a cause de leur refus et contumace, seulement furent renvoyes en prison estroicte et separes l’ung d’avec l’aultre. Toutesfois ils ne laisserent pas d’estre visites par les bonnes femmes de la vile. Et en la fin on trouva moien de les faire eschapper, comme desja quant ils fussant menez a Paris pour leur faire leur proces, il y avoit beaucoup de bigottes qui conduisirent les charretes jusques la porte de la ville avec grandes lamentations. Et tousjours on leur fournit argent, tant pour faire grant chere que pour mener leurs pratiques.

Now at that time, an evil occurred which prevented justice from being done strictly, it was that on the occasion of the placars the fury flared up so great against the faithful, that it caused was made odious, or although there was fear of giving any favor to those they called Lutherans, even the execution of the sentence, although it was hardly rigorous, was prevented. For when the gallans were brought in, they returned to their protests. And because of their refusal and contumaciousness, only they were sent back to a narrow prison and separated one from the other. However, they did not fail to be visited by the good women of the town. And in the end it was found possible to make them escape, as already when they were taken to Paris to put them on trial, there were many bigots who led the carts to the gate of the city with great lamentations. And they are always provided with money, both to raise money and to carry out their practices.

Si le trouble des placcars ne fust survenu, le roy avoit delibere, apres les avoir punis selon leur merite, de faire raser le couvent, et y faire bastir une maison pour le duc.

If the disorder of the placars had not occurred, the king would have deliberated, after having punished them according to their merit, to have the convent razed and a house built there for the duke.

Bulletin de la Societe de l’Histoire du Protestantisme Francais (1852-1865), Vol. 3, No. 1/2 (1854 Mai et Juin) pp. 32-36.

 

 Dr D’Aubigne tells the story of the apparition at Orleans with graphic force, and as it relates somewhat to the agency of the drama in the conflict, it may be introduced. He derives the narrative from Calvin’s manuscript, recently discovered in the Genevan library by Dr J. Bonnet, and printed in the Bulletin de l’Histoire du Protestantisme Francais. The wife of the city provost, a convert to the reformed doctrines, had fallen ill. When dying, and whilst the notary was drawing up her will at her dictation, she solemnly forbade the usual bell-ringing and chanting at her funeral. No monks or priests were to be present with tapers, and the entire ceremony was to be conducted without pomp. The friars, who expected something handsome in the lady’s will, and from her funeral, were enraged when her husband coolly presented them with six gold crowns by way of compensation.

Subsequently, the same official personage was cutting down a wood, and the monks applied to him for liberty to send their waggon once a day to get enough to fill their store. But the owner of the timber gave them to know that “without ready money” his timber would not be obtained. This was flat heresy, and they would be revenged. Accordingly, two monks devised a tragedy which they thought would excite a universal horror of the Reformers and their doctrines.

“Brother Stephen undertook to begin the drama. He shut himself up in his cell, and composed, in a style of the most vulgar eloquence, a sermon which he fancied would terrify everybody. The news of a homily from the great preacher circulated through the city; and when the day arrived, he went up into the pulpit and delivered before a large congregation (for the church was crammed) a ‘very touching’ discourse, in which he pathetically described the sufferings of the souls in Purgatory… On the following night the monks rose at the usual hour and entered the church, carrying their antiphonaires or anthem-books in their hands. They began to chant; their hoarse voices were intoning matins, … when suddenly a frightful tumult was heard, coming from heaven as it seemed, or at least from the ceiling of the church. On hearing this great uproar, the chanting ceased, the monks appeared horrified, and Coliman, the bravest, moved forward, armed with all the weapons of an exorcist, and conjured the evil spirit; but the spirit said not a word. ‘What wantest thou?’ asked Coliman. There was no answer. ‘If thou art dumb,’ resumed the exorcist, ‘show it us by some sign.’ Upon this the spirit made another uproar.”

This sufficed for one night. On the following midnight, as the assembled ecclesiastics had begun their litanies, a large audience having assembled in expectation of a supernatural scene, just as the trembling voices of the monks intoned “Domine! labia” … a frightful noise interrupted the chanting. “The ghost! the ghost!” exclaimed the monks. Then Coliman, as before, acting as spokesman with the Devil, came forward, … and it is rather curious that Calvin should have to record the mode of answer devised for the fiend as by knocks: – two for yes, and three for no! These monks, like modern spirit-rappers, managed their business famously. After several queries, which the ghost did not deign to answer, Coliman demanded: – “Tell me – art thou not the ghost of a person buried here?” Two knocks was the response. Then the interrogator went over the names of all those who had died recently, the spirit impatiently knocking “No,” after each. “Finally, art thou not the provostess?” asked the monk. “Yes,” was rapped out mournfully. The sin of the ghost was next sought. Was it pride? – three raps. Unchastity? – three raps. And so on; the questions were put until the attention of the persons present was on the stretch. 

“Art thou condemned for having been a Lutheran?” loudly inquired the monk. Two knocks were instantly given. The ecclesiastics exhibited every sign of alarm, and the people gaped with amazement. “Why do you make such an uproar in the night?” added Coliman: “do you wish to be exhumed?” “Yes,” was conveyed in two more unmistakable raps; and the assembly broke up in dismay. As this ghost, however, would only talk to the monks, the populace first shook their heads in doubt; next demanded a repetition of the performance, that they might watch its progress more closely; and lastly, on this being refused, scouted the whole affair as a deception. 

The King, however, on the fame of the exploit reaching the Court, took the matter up seriously, and had the monks examined, but elicited nothing. The judges, however, having subsequently got  hold of the novice who played the part of ghost, the process which had been resorted to was expounded, and it may be repeated for the benefit of such crdulous moderns as believe in the supernaturalism of these revived mediaeval knockings: – ” I made a hole in the roof,” said he, “to which I applied my ear, to hear what the provicial said to me from below. Then I struck a plank which I held in my hand, and I hit it hard enough for the noise to be heard by the reverend fathers underneath.” The friars, who deserved somewhat more merciful treatment, if only for their ingenuity, were confronted with the novice, and his story proving true to the letter, they were sentenced to be stripped of their frocks, and to stay in the cathedral with lighted tapers in their hands, to make confession of their fraud. The sentence, however, was never carried out.

In “The Earlier Heroes of the Genevan Republic”, in  The Dublin University Magazine v. 61 (Jan-June) 1863.